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序言：
在1860年的总统选举中，民主党内的南北分裂，爲林肯和共和党的胜利扫清了道路。虽然林肯被挑选出来作候选人，部分是由于他有温和主义者的名声，但是南方人还是警告说，如果林肯获胜，他们将脱离联邦。无论在南方还是北方，林肯的当选都被看作是对奴隶制和奴隶主政治权力的排斥。就在林肯当选之后，美国七个州(南卡罗来纳、密西西比、佛罗里达、亚拉巴马、乔治亚、路易斯安那、得克萨斯)脱离了联邦，并于1861年2月4日，在亚拉巴马州的蒙哥马利组成美国南部邦联。几 周后，国会提出了一项在美国禁止奴隶制的宪法修正案。(这项修正案于1865年被批准爲第十三修正案。)
1861年3月4日，林肯在华盛顿特区国会大厦前的台阶上宣誓就职时，向处于分裂和内战边沿的国民发表演说。他呼吁理智和冷静。他的演说是爲维护联邦和避免战争所作的最后一次努力。不过，林肯明确表示，联邦将保卫自己，脱离联邦是不合法的，以暴力反对联邦政府将被看作是叛乱。林肯的祈求没有人听。南方邦联的军队于1861年4月12日炮击南卡罗来纳州查尔斯顿的萨姆特堡，内战由此开始。在萨姆特堡陷落之后，维吉尼亚州、阿肯色州、北卡罗来纳州和田纳西州都加入了美国南部邦联。
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First Inaugural Address
第一任就职演说
. . . Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that by the accession of a Republican Administration their property and their peace and personal security are to be endangered. There has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of those speeches when I declare that--
……在南方各州的人民中似乎存在着一种忧虑，即由共和党执政，他们的财産、安定的生活和个人安全将会遭到危险。这种忧虑从来就没有任何理由。说实在的，无须忧虑的最充足的证据一直都是客观存在的，而且公开接受他们检查。这可以在这位现在向你们致辞的人的几乎所有发表过的演讲里找到。我现在仅引用那些演说辞中的一篇来声明：
I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so....
我无意直接或间接地在有蓄奴制的州里干预蓄奴制度。我相信我没有这样做的合法权利，而且我也没有这样做的意愿。……
It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President under our National Constitution. During that period fifteen different and greatly distinguished citizens have in succession administered the executive branch of the Government. They have conducted it through many perils, and generally with great success. Yet, with all this scope of precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty. A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably attempted.
自从一位总统依照国家宪法第一次就职以来已经过了72年。72年里，15位出类拔萃的公民相继管理了这个政府的行政部门。他们领导这个政府经历了许多危险，而且一般都取得很大成功。可是。尽管有这种先例，我却是在巨大而特别困难的情况下，担负起同样的任务，履行短暂的四年总统任期。分裂联邦，以前还只是一种威胁，现在却已变成令人生畏的行动。
I hold that in contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution the Union of these States is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governments. It is safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termination. Continue to execute all the express provisions of our National Constitution, and the Union will endure forever, it being impossible to destroy it except by some action not provided for in the instrument itself.
考虑到一般的法律和我们的宪法，我认爲这些州所组成的联邦是永久性的。在所有国家政府的基本大法中，即使没有明文规定其永久性，也总是含有此意的。我们可以断言，没有一个正式政府曾经在其组织法中，规定一个使自己寿终正寝的条款。只要我们继续执行国家宪法中所有的明文规定，这个联邦就会永久存在，──除非采取宪法法规以外的某种行动，我们是无法摧毁联邦的。
Again: If the United States be not a government proper, but an association of States in the nature of contract merely, can it, as a contract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? One party to a contract may violate it--break it, so to speak--but does it not require all to lawfully rescind it? . . .
再说，即使合衆国不是一个正式的政府，而仅是各州之间一种契约性的组合，那麽，作爲一份契约，难道就可以由少数人而不是全体订约人，不经争执，心安理得地予以取消吗?契约的一方可以违反它──或者说是破坏它，但难道不需要通过全体订约人就能合法地解除它吗?……
It follows from these views that no State upon its own mere motion can lawfully get out of the Union; that resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally void, and that acts of violence within any State or States against the authority of the United States are insurrectionary or revolutionary, according to circum stances.
从这些观点可以推定，任何州均不得仅由自己动议，即可合法脱离联邦；有关这方面的决议和法令在法律上都是无效的；对于任何一州或数州境内反抗美国政府的暴动，应依据情况来确定其爲叛乱还是革命。
I therefore consider that in view of the Constitution and the laws the Union is unbroken, and to the extent of my ability, I shall take care, as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing this I deem to be only a simple duty on my part, and I shall perform it so far as practicable unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold the requisite means or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary. I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain itself.
因此，我认爲依照宪法与法律，联邦是不可分裂的；我将尽我所能，务使联邦法律在所有各州得到忠实贯彻，这是宪法本身明文规定责成我这样做的。我认爲这样做仅是我本身的一种责任；而且我将在可行的范围内去履行这责任，除非我的合法主人，即美国人民，制止使用这些必要的手段，或者通过某种权威性方式，作出相反的指示。我相信这种说法应该不会被认爲是一种威胁，而只是把它看作是联邦所明确宣布的目标，即它要依照宪法保护和维系自身。
In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence, and there shall be none unless it be forced upon the national authority. The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the Government and to collect the duties and imposts; but beyond what may be necessary for these objects, there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people anywhere. ...
要这样做，就必须没有流血和暴力发生，而且只要不是强加于国家权威头上的，哪怕有一点都不行。所赋予我的权力将用来保存、占领和掌握属于政府的财産和地盘，并征集税收和关税，但是，超出爲达到这些目标所必需的手段，就不能去侵犯任何地方的人民，不能使用武力反对任何地方的人民，或在任何地方的人民中使用武力……
That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy the Union at all events and are glad of any pretext to do it I will neither affirm nor deny; but if there be such, I need address no word to them. To those, however, who really love the Union may I not speak?
据说在这个或那个地区里，有一些人千方百计地企图摧毁联邦，甚至不惜利用一切借口非达此目的不可。对此，我不加肯定也不给予否定。但若事情果真如此，我无须对这帮人致辞。可是，对于那些真正热爱联邦的人们，我难道能够缄默不言吗?
Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? Will you hazard so desperate a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills you fly from have no real existence? Will you, while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly from, will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake?
在事情还没严重到破坏我们的国家组织，连同它的一切利益，全部历史和所有希望之前，把我们这样做的意图准确地弄清楚，难道不是明智的吗?如果你们要躲避的灾难可能实际上并不存在，在这种情况下，你们难道还要铤而走险吗?如果你即将遇到的灾难比你们想逃避的所有实际的灾难更爲深重，难道你们还要冒险赴难，铸成可怕的错误吗?
All profess to be content in the Union if all constitutional rights can be maintained. Is it true, then, that any right plainly written in the Constitution has been denied? I think not. . . .
如果宪法规定的一切权利能够得到维护，则人人都会以身在联邦而感到满足的。那麽，宪法里明文规定的权利究竟有哪一项真的被否定了?我认爲没有……
No organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable to every question which may occur in practical administration. No foresight can anticipate nor any document of reasonable length contain express provisions for all possible questions. Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by national or by State authority? The Constitution does not expressly say. May Congress prohibit slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say. Must Congress protect slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say.
迄今还不曾有过一部根本大法，对于一切实际行政管理中可能出现的任何问题都有专门条款来规范；没有先知可以预见会发生什麽，也没有任何繁简适度的文件所明文规定的条款足以应付一切可能发生的问题。联邦和州政府要交出逃亡的奴隶吗?宪法中没有明文规定。国会可以在准州地区禁止奴隶制度吗?宪法里没有明文规定。国会必须在准州地区维护奴隶制度吗？宪法也没有明文规定。
From questions of this class spring all our constitutional controversies, and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities. If the minority will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the Government must cease. There is no other alternative, for continuing the Government is acquiescence on one side or the other. If a minority in such case will secede rather than acquiesce, they make a precedent which in turn will divide and ruin them, for a minority of their own will secede from them whenever a majority refuses to be controlled by such minority. For instance, why may not any portion of a new confederacy a year or two hence arbitrarily secede again, precisely as portions of the present Union now claim to secede from it? All who cherish disunion sentiments are now being educated to the exact temper of doing this.
就从这类问题中触发出我们一切有关宪法的争论，我们可把争论者分爲多数派和少数派。即使少数派不愿支持政府，多数派也必须支持，否则政府就必须停止工作。其它的替代办法是没有的；要使政府继续存在下去，必须得有一方的支持。在这种情况下，如果有一个少数派不支持政府而要脱离联邦，那麽他们就开了一个先例，这必然会导致他们内部分裂并毁了他们，因爲他们自己内部的多数派拒受这种少数派控制时，这个少数派又会脱离他们。举例来说，正如目前联邦中的一些州宣布脱离联邦那样，一两年后南部新邦联中的一部分难道就不会蛮横地再行脱离吗?一切醉心于分裂的人们目前所接受的正是这种思想。
Is there such perfect identity of interests among the States to compose a new union as to produce harmony only and prevent renewed secession?
在这些要组成新联邦的州之间，难道真的具有完全一致的利益，足以使彼此和睦共处，并避免重新分裂吗?
Plainly the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. A majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations, and always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. Whoever rejects it does of necessity fly to anarchy or to despotism. Unanimity is impossible. The rule of a minority, as a permanent arrangement, is wholly inadmissible; so that, rejecting the majority principle, anarchy or despotism in some form is all that is left. . . .
显然，脱离联邦的核心思想正是无政府状态的实质所在。一个被宪法的强制力和规范所约束，并能顺应公衆舆论和公衆感情的审慎的变化而变化的多数派，才是自由人民唯一真正的治理者。谁否认它，谁就必然走向无政府或专制。完全一致是不可能的。少数人的统治，作爲一项永久性的安排，是完全不能接受的。因此，如果否认多数原则，剩下来的仅有某种形式的无政府状态或专制而已……
One section of our country believes slavery is right and ought to be extended, while the other believes it is wrong and ought not to be extended. This is the only substantial dispute. ...
我国有一部分人相信奴隶制是对的，应当予以延续，而另外一部分人则相信它是错的，不应予以延续。这是唯一的实质性争执……
Physically speaking, we can not separate. We can not remove our respective sections from each other nor build an impassable wall between them. A husband and wife may be divorced and go out of the presence and beyond the reach of each other, but the different parts of our country can not do this. They can not but remain face to face, and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue between them. Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory after separation than before? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can among friends? Suppose you go to war, you can not fight always; and when, after much loss on both sides and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old questions, as to terms of intercourse, are again upon you. . . .
从地理环境上说，我们是无法分离的。我们不能把各地区从彼此的位置上挪开，也不能在它们之间筑起不可逾越的城墙。夫妻可以离婚，以后彼此不相见，也无法找到对方，但是，我国的不同地区之间不能这麽做。它们不得不面面相对，彼此往来，不管是友好的还是敌对的，这情形一定会在它们之间继续下去。那麽，分裂以后是否有可能使彼此来往比以前更有利或者更令人满意呢?与外人签约会比与朋友共订法律更容易吗?条约在异邦人之间会比法律在朋友之间得到更忠实的执行吗?假如你们要打仗，你们也不能一直打下去，在双方都伤亡惨重，谁也没有收获之后，你们停止作战时，关于交往条件的一些与以前完全相同的老问题又会摆在你们面前……
Why should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate justice of the people? Is there any better or equal hope in the world? In our present differences, is either party without faith of being in the right? If the Almighty Ruler of Nations, with His eternal truth and justice, be on your side of the North, or on yours of the South, that truth and that justice will surely prevail by the judgment of this great tribunal of the American people.
爲什麽不能满怀信心，耐心等待人民的最终裁决呢?难道还有更好的或能与此相匹的希望吗?在我们目前的分歧中，难道双方都没有信心认爲自己是站在正确的一边吗?如果代表永恒真理和正义的万能上帝站在你们北方一边或者站在你们南方一边，那麽经过美国人民这个大法庭的裁决，真理和正义定将普照天下。
By the frame of the Government under which -we live this same people have wisely given their public servants but little power for mischief, and have with equal wisdom provided for the return of that little to their own hands at very short intervals. While the people retain their virtue and vigilance no Administration by any extreme of wickedness or folly can very seriously injure the Government in the short space of four years.
从管理我们的政府的组织结构来看，聪明的人民没有给他们的公仆多少权力去胡闹，而且他们还以同样的智慧爲在短期内将那一点点权力收回到他们自己手中作了准备。只要人民保持他们的道德和警惕，任何行政管理人员，不管他们是多麽邪恶或多麽愚蠢，都不可能在短短四年内给这个政府造成严重伤害。
My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. If there be an object to hurry any of you in hot haste to a step which you would never take deliberately, that object will be frustrated by taking time; but no good object can be frustrated by it. Such of you as are now dissatisfied still have the old Constitution unimpaired, and, on the sensitive point, the laws of your own framing under it; while the new Administration will have no immediate power, if it would, to change either. If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the right side in the dispute, there still is no single good reason for precipitate action. Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity, and a firm reliance on Him who has never yet forsaken this favored land are still competent to adjust in the best way all our present difficulty.
同胞们，你们每个人都应冷静地好好思考这整个问题。花点时间是不会使任何有价值的东西遭到损失的。如果真有一件东西驱使你们之中任何一个人十万火急地去采取一个你们在审慎沉着的情况下所决不会采取的步骤，那麽花点时间去思考就可以挫败这东西。任何好的东西是不会因爲你这样做而遭到挫败的。就好像你们现在都心怀不满，可你们还有一部未受损害的老宪法可依，在敏感问题上，你们还有你们自己根据宪法所制定的法律可依，而新的行政当局即便想，也没有改变宪法或这些法律的直接权力。就算大家公认你们这些心怀不满的人是站在争执的正确一边，那也没有任何充足的理由去采取草率的行动。以我们的聪明才智、爱国精神、基督教信仰以及对至今从未据弃过这片沐浴圣恩的土地的上帝的坚定信赖，我们还是有足够的能力用最好的方武来解决我们目前所遇到的一切困难。
In your hands, my dissatisfied fellows-countrymen, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The Government will not assail you. You can have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You have no oath registered in heaven to destroy the Government, while I shall have the most solemn one to "preserve, protect, and defend it."
各位心怀不满的同胞们，内战这一重大问题，不系于我的手里，而系于你们的手里。政府不会攻击你们。只要你们自己不当侵略者，你们就不会遇到冲突。你们没有对天发誓要摧毁政府，但我们却要立下最庄严的誓言来“保存、保护和保卫它”。
I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained it must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battlefield and patriot grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature.
我真不愿结束我的演讲。我们不是敌人。我们之间感情的纽带，或会因情绪激动而绷紧，但决不可折断。那一根根不可思议的回忆之弦，从每个战场和爱国志士的坟墓，伸展到这片辽阔土地上每一颗充满活力的心房和每一个家庭，只要我们本性中的善念再度，而且一定会，加以拨动，它们终会重新奏出响亮的联邦协奏曲。